born 1820-died 8/29/1892
Lucy Ann Cheatham
William Morgan (born in 1817 in Ava, Illinois
and died in Ava on February 23,  1880) married Lucy Ann
Cheatham (born in 1820 in Tennessee, and died on
August 29, 1892 in Ava, Illinois).  They were married in
1842.  And had five sons,
* James Bradford Morgan,
* Samuel Morgan,
* William "Thomas" Morgan,
* Daniel Morgan, and
* George Morgan.
Cheatham
the county of Lancashire. It is from the place-name Cheetham that the family
name is derived.

The English language only became standardized in the last few centuries;
therefore,spelling variations are common among early Anglo-Saxon names. As
the form of the English language changed, even the spelling of literate people's
names evolved. Cheatham has been recorded under many different variations,
including Chetham, Cheetham, Cheetam, Cheetum and others.

First found in Lancashire where they were seated from very ancient times, some
say well before the Norman Conquest and the arrival of Duke William at Hastings
in 1066 A.D.

For many English families, the political and religious disarray that shrouded
England made the far away New World an attractive prospect. On cramped
disease-ridden ships, thousands migrated to those British colonies that would
eventually become Canada and the United States. Those hardy settlers that
survived the journey often went on to make important contributions to the
emerging nations in which they landed. Analysis of immigration records indicates
that some of the first North American immigrants bore the name Cheatham or a
variant listed above: Samuel and William Chettum who settled in New England in
1748; Philip Chetham arrived in Philadelphia in 1811; Edward, James, John,
Thomas, and William Cheetham all arrived in Philadelphia between 1800 and
1860.

Suggested Readings for the name Cheatham

* Descendants of Thomas Cheatham of Chesterfield County, Virginia by Lucille
Cheatham Mosely.

Coat of Arms: A silver shield with a red griffin, within a black border with nine
bezants.

Crest: Description not available

Motto: Quod tuum tenne.

CHEETHAM

Chetham, 1212 and usually; Chetam, 1276; Cheteham, 1590; Cheetham, xvi cent.

This township, on the western bank of the Irk, has an extreme length of nearly 2 miles, and an area of 919 acres. The high land in the northern part slopes
down to the Irk, and more gradually to the south, where the Irwell is the boundary for a short distance. The district called Cheetham Hill is partly in this township
and partly in Crumpsall and Broughton; Smedley is to the east of it, near the Irk; Stocks, a name which can be traced back to 1599, is on the border of
Manchester, north of Red Bank; and Peel, an old house, formerly moated, is close by. (fn. 1) Cheetwood occupies the southern half of the township, (fn. 2) in
which also lies Strangeways. Alms Hill, or Ormsell, lies to the west of Smedley. The population of Cheetham and Crumpsall was 49,942 in 1901.

The district is now entirely urban, being a suburb of Manchester. The principal roads are those from Manchester to Bury, the older one going northward through
the middle of the township, and the newer and more direct one near its south-west border. The latter follows the line of the Roman road from Manchester to
Ribchester. The Lancashire and Yorkshire Company's Manchester and Bury line runs near the eastern border, by the Irk, and a branch to Oldham separates
from it; Victoria Station, Manchester, the head of the company's system, lies in this township at the junction of the Irk with the Irwell. (fn. 3)

Some neolithic implements have been found. (fn. 4)

The hearth tax returns of 1666 show that there were seventy hearths liable in the township. The largest houses were those of John Hartley, John Symon, and
Edward Chetham, with thirteen, seven, and six hearths respectively. (fn. 5) A Cheetham halfpenny token was issued in 1668. (fn. 6)

On the incorporation of Manchester in 1838 Cheetham became part of the new borough. It ceased to be a township in 1896, being absorbed in the new
township of North Manchester.

A workhouse adjoins the railway station. The principal buildings in the township are the assize courts, with large gaol adjoining, on the site of Strangeways
Hall. The other public buildings include a town hall, erected in 1855, fire police station, free library 1878, assembly rooms, and baths, also the Northern
Hospital. There is a small modern park. A wholesale fish-market was opened at Strangeways in 1867, but is now given up. The industries include breweries,
bleach and dye works, and many smaller industries carried on by Jews. The unoccupied land is utilized for brick-making. On Cheetham Hill there are children's
homes.

Maria Therlson Longworth, authoress, was born at Cheetwood in 1832; she died in Natal, 1881. (fn. 7) Jessie Fothergill, novelist, was born at Cheetham Hill in
1851, and died at Berne in 1891. (fn. 8)

MANOR

In 1212 Roger de Middleton held a ploughland in CHEETHAM of the king in chief in thegnage by the annual service of a mark, and Henry de Chetham held it
under Roger. (fn. 9) The mesne lordship of the Middleton family quickly disappeared, (fn. 10) and in later times Cheetham was said to be held directly of the
king as Duke of Lancaster by the Chethams (fn. 11) and their successors. Sir Geoffrey de Chetham appears all through the middle of the 13th century, and was
evidently a man of consequence. (fn. 12) After his time the manor is found to be held by the Pilkingtons, (fn. 13) the tenure being altered to knight's service, (fn.
14) and on their forfeiture in 1485 it was granted to the Earl of Derby, (fn. 15) and descended like Knowsley down to the middle of the 17th century. (fn. 16)
There does not appear to be any later record of a manor of Cheetham, the estate probably having been dismembered by various sales. (fn. 17) Lord Derby,
however, is still the chief landowner.

The principal estate in the township, apart from the manor, was that called STRANGEWAYS, (fn. 18) long held by the family of that name, (fn. 19) but sold about
the middle of the 17th century to the Hartleys, who retained possession for several generations. (fn. 20) In 1711 it was bequeathed by Catherine Richards,
widow, to Thomas Reynolds, ancestor of the Earl of Ducie, the owner in 1850. (fn. 21) The present earl owns land in the township.

A minor estate was SMEDLEY, acquired on lease by Edward Chetham in 1640 from Lord Strange. (fn. 22) He had a legacy of £2,000 from his uncle Humphrey
Chetham, (fn. 23) and in 1659 was mortgagee of Nuthurst, (fn. 24) which his younger son Edward afterwards purchased. James Chetham, the eldest son,
succeeded to Smedley in 1684, (fn. 25) and dying unmarried in 1692 bequeathed it to a brother George, (fn. 26) whose son James, high sheriff in 1730, (fn. 27)
also dying unmarried, was succeeded by his sister Ann. (fn. 28) She bequeathed it to her 'cousin Edward Chetham' of Nuthurst, son of the last-mentioned
Edward. (fn. 29) On the division which took place in 1770, after his death, Smedley passed to his sister Mary, wife of Samuel Clowes. (fn. 30)

The Langleys of Agecroft held a portion of Cheetham as part of their Tetlow inheritance; (fn. 31) and a few other families occur as having had estates in the
township. (fn. 32) The Brideoaks of Cheetham Hill (fn. 33) produced a Bishop of Chichester. (fn. 34)

The principal contributors to the land tax in 1795 were Lord Ducie, James Hilton, and James Heywood, together paying more than a third. (fn. 35)

In connexion with the Established Church St. Mark's was erected in 1794, the first church in the part of Manchester parish lying between the Irwell and Irk; a
district was assigned to it in 1839. (fn. 36) It was followed by St. Luke's, 1839; (fn. 37) St. John the Evangelist's, 1871; (fn. 38) and St. Albans, Cheetwood, 1874.
(fn. 39) St. Thomas's, 1863, described as in Lower Crumpsall, is within the township of Cheetham.

The Wesleyan Methodists have three churches; (fn. 40) the Primitive Methodists and the United Free Church one each. The Congregationalists have two
churches, one in Bury New Road, usually called 'Broughton Chapel,' and one at Cheetham Hill. (fn. 41) The Salvation Army has a meeting place in Hightown.

The Presbyterian Church of England is represented by Trinity Church, Cheetham Hill, built in 1899; the cause originated in 1845. (fn. 42) The Welsh Calvinistic
Methodists also have a chapel. The Unitarians formerly had a chapel at Strangeways. (fn. 43)

At Cheetham Hill is the convent of Notre Dame.

The southern end of the township having a large Jewish population, British and foreign, there are nine synagogues, some of the buildings having formerly
been used as Nonconformist chapels. (fn. 44) A hospital and dispensary have been founded, and there is a Home for Aged Jews. A Talmud Torah school has
been opened.

Footnotes
List of abbreviations

1         For the Peel see Procter, Manch. Streets, 281–2. By his will in 1806 John Ridings charged his tenement called Stocks and Peel, held of Lord Derby by
lease, with £250. These notes are due to Mr. Crofton.
2         For Miss Beswick of Cheetwood see N. and Q. (Ser. 2), xi, 157.
3         The station was opened in 1844, and the lines from Liverpool and from Leeds connected there. It was enlarged in 1884. The site was previously a
cemetery (Walker's Croft), opened in 1815.
4         Lancs. and Ches. Antiq. Soc. x, 251.
5         Subs. R. bdle. 250, no. 9.
6         Lancs. and Ches. Antiq. Soc. v, 76.
7         Dict. Nat. Biog.
8         Ibid.
9         Lancs. Inq. and Extents (Rec. Soc. Lancs. and Ches.), i, 66.
10         Roger de Middleton occurs again in 1226; ibid. 137. See a later note, and Dods. MSS. cxxxi, fol. 38.
Henry de Chetham in 1212 also held 4 oxgangs of land in chief; Lancs. Inq. and Extents, i, 70. From the accounts of Moston and other townships it will be seen
that he inherited or acquired, probably by marriage, a portion of the estates of Orm de Ashton. He attested Audenshaw and Swinton charters; Farrer, Lancs.
Pipe R. 329; Whalley Couch. (Chet. Soc.), 905. In 1227 he went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem; Cal. Pat. 1225–32, p. 126.
11         The evidence has been collected by Mr. E. Axon in his Chet. Gen. (Chet. Soc.), 1–4.
12         He was sheriff in 1260; P.R.O. List, 72.
In 1235, perhaps on succeeding, he procured an acknowledgement of his right to Cheetham from Robert de Middleton, he paying a mark yearly at four terms;
Final Conc. (Rec. Soc. Lancs. and Ches.), i, 59. A year later he complained that Robert, as mesne, had not acquitted him of the services due to the chief lords.
Robert thereupon resigned his mesne lordship to Geoffrey, and as compensation for loss granted him an estate in Ashworth; ibid, i, 74. In 1241 Geoffrey and
Margaret [Grelley] his wife were concerned in a moiety of Allerton; ibid. i, 91; and see also Abbrev. Plac. (Rec. Com.), 130 (1253), and Cur. Reg. R. 160, m. 33
(1258) for other Allerton suits.
In 1254, on a certain Saturday, people coming to the market at Manchester were overheard by Thomas Grelley's bailiff saying that they had heard dogs in the
park (probably Blackley); the bailiff accordingly went there and found Geoffrey de Chetham's dog herding a number of animals, and thereupon the bailiff 'did as
he could'; Lancs. Inq. and Extents, i, 193.
He purchased from Adam de Windle land in Gartside which he afterwards resold to him; Whalley Couch. i, 164. To Cockersand Abbey he granted a rent of 2s.
from his vill of Cheetham: Cockersand Chart. (Chet. Soc.), ii, 725.
He died between Pentecost 1271 (Whalley Couch. iii, 886, 888) and 1274, when William de Hacking and others made claim against his widow Margery
concerning lands in Crompton, Manchester, and Sholver; Dep. Keeper's Rep. xliii, App. i, 425.
His widow, as Margery Grelley, was in 1276 acquitted of the charge of disseising Thomas son of John de Manchester of 3½ acres in Cheetham, which Geoffrey
had demised to Master John, father of the plaintiff; Assize R. 405, m. 3 d.
John Grelley and Henry de Chetham were defendants to a charge of assault at Chorlton in 1275; Coram Rege R. 18, m.8.
13         The precise mode of descent is unknown. It is supposed (Chet. Gen. 2, 3) that two sisters of Geoffrey de Chetham married the heads of the Pilkington
and Trafford families. In 1278 William del Hacking and Christiana his wife (said to be widow of Richard de Trafford) acknowledged various tenements in
Lancashire, including moieties of the manors of Cheetham and Crompton, to be the right of Geoffrey de Chadderton; and it seems clear, from the
accompanying fine relating to the 'inheritance' of Henry de Trafford, that the former were the inheritance of Christiana; Final. Conc. i, 153–5.
Roger de Pilkington in 1291 had a grant of free warren in Cheetham among other demesne lands; Plac. de Quo War. (Rec. Com.), 369. His mother Alice (living
in 1302) confirmed a grant of lands in Crompton made by him, as if they were part of her inheritance; Clowes deeds. It is supposed that she was the other
sister and co-heir. Geoffrey de Chetham's moiety of Allerton did not descend in the same way, so that it is probable he had no issue by his wife Margery.
By 1312, probably by arrangement between the heirs, the whole of the manor of Cheetham was held by the Pilkingtons; Final Conc. ii, 9, 33, 35. In 1313
Geoffrey de Chadderton the elder appeared in an assize of mort d'ancestor against Robert de Ashton, Margery his wife; Alexander, Roger, and William, sons of
Roger de Pilkington, and Alice, widow of Alexander de Pilkington; Assize R. 424, m. 4, 10. This may refer to the Crompton estate.
Roger son of Roger de Pilkington in 1357 proceeded against various persons for cutting his trees at Cheetham; Duchy of Lanc. Assize R. 6, m. 7.
14         In 1346 Roger de Pilkington held the tenth part of a knight's fee in Cheetham, paying 13s. 4d.; Add. MS. 32103, fol. 146b. From the Book of Reasonable
Aid of 1378, it appears that Sir Roger de Pilkington paid 2s. for the tenth part of a knight's fee in Cheetham; Harl. MS. 2085, fol. 422. So also in the inquisition
after the death of Sir Roger de Pilkington in 1407; Lancs. Inq. p.m. (Chet. Soc.), i, 86, from which it appears that the rent of 13s. 4d. was also paid. In the extent
of 1445–6 it is stated that Sir John Pilkington held one plough-land in Cheetham for the tenth part of a knight's fee, the relief due being 10s.; Duchy of Lanc.
Knights' Fees, 2/20. Again, in 1483 Sir Thomas Pilkington was found to hold the tenth part of a fee in Cheetham; Duchy of Lanc. Misc. 130.
15         Pat. 4 Hen. VII; styled the manor of Cheetham or lordship of Cheetwood.
16         Cheetham and Cheetwood are named in 1521 among the manors of Thomas, Earl of Derby, but no particulars are given; Duchy of Lanc. Inq. p.m. v, 68.
The manor of Cheetham and Cheetwood, together with lands there and in Harwood and Breightmet, was sold or mortgaged by William, Earl of Derby. about
1596 to Sir Nicholas and Rowland Mosley for £1,600. The purchasers demanded further assurances, and appear to have refused to complete the purchase,
according to a complaint by the earl in 1601; Duchy of Lanc. Plead. Eliz. ccii, D 10; Pal. of Lanc. Feet of F. bdle. 58, m. 291. In 1608 Thomas Goodyer was stated
to hold lands in Cheetham of Sir Nicholas Mosley as of his manor of Cheetham; Lancs. Inq. p.m. (Rec. Soc. Lancs. and Ches.), i, 112. The later history shows
that Cheetham and Cheetwood were recovered by the earl, while Breightmet and Harwood were alienated, for in 1653 it was deposed that a chief rent of 13s.
4d. had been paid to the king for the Earl of Derby's lands in Cheetham and Cheetwood; Royalist Comp. Papers (Rec. Soc. Lancs. and Ches.), ii, 206. At this
time lands in Cheetham, Manchester, and Salford, paying £38 'old rent' were part of the life estate of Charlotte, the countess dowager; ibid. ii, 185. In 1653 she
leased to Thomas Bird the water corn-mill called Travis Mill in Cheetham.
17         Some of the seventh earl's confiscated lands were sold to Humphrey Kelsall; Royalist Comp. Papers, ii, 241; see also Com. Pleas Recov. R. Mich.
1653, m. 1.
18         It is mentioned in 1322 in the description of the bounds of Manchester; Mamecestre, ii, 372. The spelling varies considerably, e.g. Strongways, 1306;
Strangewayes, 1349; Strangwishe, 1473.
19         In 1304 Robert son of John Grelley appeared against John de Strangeways, Thomas and Geoffrey his brothers, for the death of his brother John son of
John Grelley; Coram Rege R. 176, m. 6 d. Ellen de Strangeways and others were afterwards charged with receiving the said John de Strangeways; Assize R.
421, m. 4. In 1345 Sibyl, widow of Geoffrey de Strangeways, and Thomas son of Geoffrey, were defendants in a plea regarding a messuage and lands in
Manchester; De Banco R. 343, m. 176 d. In 1349 John de Strangeways and Margery his wife had a lease of a burgage in the Netheracres, Manchester, from
John de Prestwich; Lord Wilton's D. Thomas de Strangeways, a witness to this lease, was probably the head of the family at that time, occurring at various
dates, down to his death in 1386; e.g. Agecroft D., no. 24 (1349), no. 29 (1362); Mamecestre, iii, 454 (1359). At his death he held Tetlow of the Langleys of
Agecroft, and his son Geoffrey, being only five years of age, was committed to the guardianship of Roger de Langley; Lancs. Inq. p.m. (Chet. Soc.), i, 24, 50.
John de Strangeways and Alice his wife were living in 1377; Final Conc. iii, 56. John occurs as a witness in 1381, and Henry in 1383; Hulme D. The latter also
in 1410; Lancs. Inq. p.m. (Chet. Soc. i, 94–5. In the same year James Strangeways, the king's serjeant-at-law, is named; ibid. i, 97; see also Final Conc. iii,
103. Other members of the family or families occur in similar ways, but no connected pedigree can be formed, nor is it known how they acquired the estate
called Strangeways. Henry de Strangeways was in 1385 in possession of a manor in Tyldesley which he granted to Thomas de Strangeways and Ellen his
wife and heirs male; they had a daughter Cecily; ibid. iii, 25. Henry son of John de Strangeways of Manchester had a burgage in Salford in 1397; Dods. MS. cxlii,
fol. 165, no. 21. Nicholas son of Henry Strangeways occurs in 1447; ibid. no. 22. William Strangeways of Cheetham was in 1443 called upon to surrender a
chest of charters to Ralph de Prestwich; Pal. of Lanc. Plea R. 5, m. 7b. There are some interesting notes concerning them in Harland, Manch. Coll. (Chet. Soc.),
ii, 140– 3; from these it appears that William Strangeways had a grant of the Knolls (see below) in 1408, and that John Strangeways had land by the Irk in 1459.
Thomas son and heir of John Strangeways, deceased, in 1478, enfeoffed James and Richard Strangeways and a number of others of his lands in Lancashire;
Dep. Keeper's Rep. xl, App. 540. Then in 1518 Philip son and heir of Thomas Strangeways, lately deceased, granted a tenement in the Millgate in Manchester
on lease; Philip was to retain a free passage through the tenement and garden to the Irk in order to get water, and also to wash clothes; High Legh D. (West
Hall).
In 1540 Philip Strangeways, described as 'a wilful person,' and Thomas his son and heir apparent, leased lands called the Broad, Great Knolls, Hammecroft
Bank, &c., and the corn-mill at Strangeways to one John Webster of Manchester, who soon afterwards complained that they had seized his corn; Duchy Plead.
(Rec. Soc. Lancs. and Ches.), ii, 156.
Philip Strangeways and Stephen Beck in 1544 disposed of three messuages, &c., in Cheetham to Robert Fletcher; Pal. of Lanc. Feet of F. bdle. 12, m. 238.
Philip died in 1556, being succeeded by his son William (Manch. Ct. Leet Rec. i, 29), who had already disposed of many portions of the family property; e.g. Pal.
of Lanc. Feet of F. bdle. 14, m. 214, m. 51, m. 40, m. 112, &c. In one of the fines Philip Strangeways and Dulcibella his wife are mentioned; ibid. bdle. 14, m.
208. A settlement had been made in 1544 by which the remainder (after Philip and his son William and male issue) was to George Strangeways, brother of
Philip; the estate comprised twenty-four messuages, twenty burgages, twenty cottages, &c., a water-mill, with land, meadow, pasture, wood, moor and heath,
and turbary, £5 13s. 4d. rent, and the moiety of a water-mill, in Cheetham, Strangeways, Rochdale, Spotland, Oldham, Cheesden, Manchester, Salford,
Oldfield, Withington, and Ardwick; ibid. bdle. 12, m. 268.
William Strangeways died in 1565, leaving a son Thomas as heir; Ct. Leet Rec. i, 93. Eleanor Strangeways, widow of William, in 1568 gave acknowledgements
for rents received on behalf of her son Thomas; West Hall D. Two years later Thomas Strangeways, seised in fee of the mansion house and demesne of
Strangeways, was plaintiff in an assault case; Ducatus Lanc. (Rec. Com.), ii, 400. The fortunes of the family were probably declining, for alienations went on;
Pal. of Lanc. Feet of F. bdles. 32, m. 82; 34, m. 84; 56, m. 4; Ct. Leet Rec. i, 176. In 1571 Thomas Strangeways sold a burgage in Manchester lying near the Irk,
with a garden and kiln belonging thereto, measuring 4 rods by 2 rods 3 yds.; £20 was paid, and a perpetual rent of 5s. 4d. and 4d. for 'shearing' was due;
Earwaker MSS. In 1587 he had stopped an old footway going over the Knolls into the Walkers' Croft, to the annoyance of his neighbours; Ct. Leet Rec. ii, 10. He
died in 1590, leaving a son and heir John, under age; Strangeways Hall with the appurtenant lands was held of the Earl of Derby as of his manor of Pilkington (i.
e. Cheetham) in socage by a rent of four barbed arrows; ibid. ii, 42; Manch. Coll. ii, 142.
A contemporary John Strangeways, described as 'of London, mercer,' had land in Salford. He died before October 1598, leaving a son and heir William, about
six years old; Salford Portmote Rec. (Chet. Soc.), i, 9, 15. The Salford property was sold in 1601 during William's minority to George Holden; ibid. i, 26. Another
contemporary, Philip Strangeways, was one of the missionary priests imprisoned at Wisbech at the end of Elizabeth's reign; Misc. (Cath. Rec. Soc.), i, 110; ii,
278, &c.
John Strangeways of Strangeways died at the end of 1600, leaving a son John, a minor, as heir; but in 1609 another son Thomas, then seventeen years of age,
was found to be the heir; Manch. Ct. Leet Rec. ii, 167; Lancs. Inq. p.m. (Rec. Soc. Lancs. and Ches.), i, 132. A large part of the estate, as well as property in
Salford, had been disposed of, but John Strangeways had held the messuage (i.e. Strangeways Hall), water-mill, 40 acres of land, &c., in Cheetham, the
Knolls and other lands in Manchester, Ardwick, Salford, and Withington; the tenure of the Cheetham estate was said to be 'of the king by knight's service.' In
October 1601, at the Salford Portmote, it was presented that John Strangeways had died since the last court, and that Thomas his son and heir was about
twelve years old; Salford Portm. Rec. (Chet. Soc.), i, 27. In 1622 he sold a messuage and garden which he and Ralph Holland owned in Salford to George
Cranage the younger, of Salford; ibid. i, 167. Elizabeth, widow of John, recovered her dower in 1603 against Thomas Strangeways, the son and heir; Pal. of
Lanc. Plea R. 292, m. 10 d. Thomas came of age in 1613, and did his fealty at Manchester Court; Ct. Leet Rec. ii, 279. In the same year he recorded a pedigree;
Visit. (Chet. Soc.), 13. In 1620, as churchwarden, he was interested in the project of a workhouse for the poor; Ct. Leet Rec. iii, 32. He was living in 1646, but
had perhaps already sold his estate, being described as 'late of Strangeways.' Deed printed in Manch. Guardian.
20         Richard Hartley, son of Nicholas Hartley of Manchester, woollen draper, succeeded his father in 1609, but did not come of age till 1617; Ct. Leet Rec. ii,
251, 323 and note. He died in three years, leaving as heir his brother John (ibid. iii, 36), the purchaser of Strangeways. John, who gave a rent-charge of 40s.
towards the repair of the Manchester Conduit (ibid. iii, 251–6), is described as 'of Strangeways' in 1653; ibid. iv, 93. He died in 1655, leaving a daughter Ellen
as heir. She married another John Hartley, and was succeeded in turn by her sons John and Ralph, who died in 1703 and 1710 respectively; Ct. Leet Rec. iv,
291 (and note); v, 71; vi, 23; Dugdale Visit. (Chet. Soc.), 131; Piccope, MS. Ped. (Chet. Lib.), ii, 260. A petition against the John Hartley who married Ellen, as
being 'a man of a contentious and turbulent spirit,' in 1674 is printed in Pal. Note Bk. iii, 37; iv, 87.
21         Raines in Notitia Cestr. ii, 68. An abstract of Catherine Richards' will is given in the Char. Com. Rep. for Manchester (1826, p. 165); the estate was left to
Thomas Reynolds, Mary his wife, and Francis their son, with remainder to the issue of Francis. A claim by James Whittle, in right of William Hartley, was
rejected in 1721; Exch. of Pleas, 7 Geo. I, Hil. m. 4, &c.
Thomas Reynolds was a South Sea director. His son Francis in 1730 married Elizabeth daughter of Matthew Ducie Moreton, Lord Ducie, by Arabella daughter
and co-heir of Sir Thomas Prestwich of Hulme. Her elder brother, there being no heir male, procured a second grant of a peerage (Ducie of Tortworth) to
descend to her sons. Thus in 1770 Thomas Reynolds, son of Francis and Elizabeth, born at Strangeways, became the second Lord Ducie, and took the
surname of Moreton. In 1785 he was succeeded by his brother Francis, and Francis in 1808 by his son Thomas, who in 1837 was created Earl of Ducie. His
son, Henry George Francis, succeeded as second earl in 1840, and was followed by his son Henry John in 1853. See Collins, Peerage (ed. 1779), viii, 229–
32; G.E.C. Complete Baronetage, ii, 77; Complete Peerage iii, 177–8.
Francis Reynolds was 'of Strangeways' in 1741; Ct. Leet Rec. vii, 102; his house is figured in Casson and Berry's plan of the town a few years later. In 1756
Thomas Reynolds was vouchee in a recovery of the manor of Strangeways and lands in Cheetham; Pal. of Lanc. Plea R. 582, m. 1 a/d. In another recovery in
1797 the Hon. Thomas Moreton was vouchee; Aug. Assizes, 37 Geo. III, R. 8.
22         This was the renewal of a lease held by his father-in-law, Robert Wilson of Smedley; Clowes D.; Axon, Chet. Gen. (Chet. Soc.), 57, 58, from which work
the account in the text is chiefly derived.
23         See the account of Crumpsall.
24         Chet. Gen. 27, 30, 62.
25         Ibid. 57.
26         Ibid. 58. He passed his brother Edward over, because 'he hath several times made attempts to take away my life, and swore he would be my death
either by stab or poison.'
27         P.R.O. List, 74.
28         Chet. Gen. 61.
29         Ibid. 63.
30         Ibid.
31         It is described as 40 acres, about a moiety of the estate; it was occupied by Thomas de Strangeways and his son Geoffrey at the end of the 14th
century; Lancs. Inq. p.m. (Chet. Soc.), i, 50. There is an earlier reference in Final Conc. ii, 132. It was included in the share of the Langley estates which
descended to the Reddish and Coke families, and was included in a recovery of Reddish and other lands in 1776; Pal. of Lanc. Plea R. 624, m. 3.
32         Thomas Goodyer, mentioned in a preceding note, in 1606 purchased lands in Manchester and Strangeways from Mr. John Haughton; Manch. Ct. Leet
Rec. ii, 222. In 1610 Ralph Haughton of Cheetham and George Siddall of the Slade demised to Thomas Watson the Townfield in Cheetham, containing 3
acres, to mow and pasture at 6d. rent; but if they repaid 20s. on St. Stephen's Day, between 12 and 2 p.m. in the south porch of Manchester Church, the demise
was to be of no effect; High Legh D. (West Hall). Thomas Watson soon afterwards sold the Townfield and Greater Marled Field to George Tipping; ibid. In 1711
Henry Newcome, rector of Middleton, left to his daughter Elizabeth his messuage or tenement called Townfield Croft in Cheetham; Pal. Note Bk. iv, 96.
33         The will of Ralph Bryddocke (Brideoak) of Manchester, clerk, is printed in Piccope, Wills (Chet. Soc.), iii, 142. Richard and Geoffrey Brideoak were
among the executors.
Richard Brideoak, a tenant of the Earl of Derby in Cheetham, asserted in 1598 a right to common in Crumpsall Moor against Henry Shepherd, bailiff of
Alexander Reddish, but his claim was rejected; Pal. of Lanc. Plea R. 283, m. 14.
34         a Ralph son of Richard Brideoak of Cheetham Hill was born about 1614, entered Brasenose Coll. Oxford in 1630, and was created M.A. 1636. After
various appointments he gained the favour of James, Earl of Derby, and remained loyal to that family during the Civil War and its subsequent misfortunes; he
gained the favour also of Speaker Lenthall, who presented him to the vicarage of Witney in Oxfordshire. He was made D.D. in 1660. He was rector of Standish
in 1644, but kept out of his right, which he regained in 1660 and held till his death. In 1667 he was made Dean of Salisbury, and in 1675 Bishop of Chichester,
having, it is supposed, bribed the king's mistress, the Duchess of Portsmouth. He died three years later, having (according to Wood) 'spent the chief part of his
life in continual agitation for the obtaining of wealth and settling a family'; Wood, Athenae; Dict. Nat. Biog.; V.C.H. Lancs. ii, 585. Another member of the family
became rector of Sefton.
35         Returns at Preston.
36         For district see Lond. Gaz. 29 Mar. 1839, 1 July 1856. Copies of the monumental inscriptions are in the Owen MSS.
37         Lond. Gaz. 1 July 1856 (reciting that a district had been assigned to it in 1840).
38         For district see Lond. Gaz. 14 May 1872.
39         Ibid. 20 Oct. 1874.
40         The Wesleyans have a cemetery at Cheetham Hill. There was a chapel there in 1837.
41         The work began about 1851; the former building was opened in 1857 and the latter in 1853; Nightingale, Lancs. Nonconf. v, 192–4. There was also a
meeting place in Hightown; ibid. 196.
42         The earlier church was near Victoria Station, and is now used by the Y.W.C.A.
43         In New Bridge Street; opened in 1838.
44         The Great Synagogue and New Synagogue, Cheetham Hill Road; British Jews, Park Place; Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue; Central Synagogue,
Park Street; Roumanian Synagogue, Waterloo Road; Strangeways and Cracow Synagogue in Strangeways; North Manchester Synagogue, Bury New Road.

Copyright 2003-2007 University of London & History of Parliament Trust
Lancashire, a maritime and northern county, bounded on the N by
Cumberland and Westmorland, on the E by Yorkshire, on the S by Cheshire, and
on the W by the Irish Sea. A portion of it in the NW, forming Furness, is detached
from the main body by Morecambe Bay and a tongue of Westmorland. The
Duddon estuary for 8 miles forms the boundary with Cumberland; the watershed
of the backbone of England, throughout a large aggregate, forms the boundary
with Yorkshire; and the river Mersey, throughout its whole extent, forms the
boundary with Cheshire. The shape of the county is exceedingly irregular. The S
part is not far from being a four-sided figure of about 44 miles by 40; but the-N
part consists chiefly of two irregular oblongs—the one contiguous with the S part,
over a connecting distance of 10 miles, and measuring about 20 miles by 12—
the other the detached section of Furness, measuring, with islands belonging to
it, about 28 miles by 13 1/2. The total greatest length, from NW by N to SE by S, is
about 87 miles; the greatest breadth is about 43 miles; the circuit, not including
minor sinuosities, is about 295 miles; and the area is 1,207,605 acres. About
100 miles of the circuit line are low coast, marshy or sandy, and, 119,438 acres of
the area are foreshore. The only islands are those at the SW of Furness, the
largest of which is Walney. The surface of Furness is partly low seaboard, partly a
series of fertile vales, but for the most part rises into the bold hills, the rugged
mountains, and the romantic breaks and upland gorges of the Lake country, and
culminates in the Old Man of Coniston, 2577 feet high. The surface of the other N
oblong also rises from low seaboard to high interior, but has heights much less
lofty and much less rugged, and is crossed, nearly through the centre, by the
valley of the Lune, one of the most charmingly beautiful valleys in England. The W
part, or nearly one-half of the rest of the county, is low and flat, chiefly fertile plain,
showing indications of comparatively recent submersion by the sea, and
interspersed with marsh land and mosses. The E part exhibits diversity of
contour, includes much undulated landscape, rises into moor and mountain
toward the boundary with Yorkshire, and contains, at or near that boundary, a
number of summits ranging from 1545 to 1803 feet in altitude. All the E border is
more or less upland, and it rises to greater heights about the middle than in the N
and in the S.

Transcribed from The Comprehensive Gazetteer of England and Wales, 1894-5
Cheetham is a district in the city of Manchester, England. It is situated in the
northern part of the city, along the Bury Old Road and Cheetham Hill Road. It is
more often than not referred to as Cheetham Hill. More accurately, Cheetham Hill -
sometimes called Cheetham Hill Village - is, as would be expected, at the top of
the hill where the Cheetham Hill Road becomes Bury Old Road. Technically, this is
in Broughton on one side of the road and Crumpsall on the other.

The area is ethnically very diverse and the demographics have changed over the
past hundred years. Traditionally, Cheetham was an area of heavy Jewish
settlement from central and eastern Europe. Most of the Jewish population has
moved out into the more affluent areas of Broughton Park, Higher Crumpsall and
Prestwich. There is a large Jewish secondary school - King David - on the
Cheetham / Crumpsall boundary.

Today, Cheetham is home to a very large Muslim population, whose origins lie in
Pakistan and India, and boasts at least three mosques. There are also an
increasing number of Malaysians and a significant number of non-Muslim Asians.
(There are three Sikh Gurdwaras in Cheetham.) There are significant numbers of
non-Jewish eastern Europeans - the area boasts a Polish club and a very large
Ukrainian club which recently burnt down. There is also a Ukrainian Catholic
Church. The Irish population is large, in common with much of Manchester. The
Irish World Heritage Centre, on Queens Road, is one of the largest Irish centres in
the country and is the starting point for Manchester's St Patrick's Day Parade - one
of the largest in the world. There is a sizeable West Indian community, whilst the
influx of African immigrants has been noticeable in recent years.
Tennessee at time of birth of Lucy Ann Cheatham (1820)

Government under North Carolina

In the days before statehood, Tennesseans struggled to gain a political voice and suffered for lack of the protection afforded by organized government. Six
counties—Washington, Sullivan and Greene in East Tennessee and Davidson, Sumner, and Tennessee in Middle Tennessee—had been formed as western
counties of North Carolina between 1777 and 1788.

After the American Revolution, however, North Carolina did not want the trouble and expense of maintaining such distant settlements, embroiled as they were
with hostile tribesmen and needing roads, forts and open waterways. Nor could the far-flung settlers look to the national government, for under the weak,
loosely constituted Articles of Confederation, it was a government in name only.

State of Franklin

The westerners' two main demands—protection from the Indians and the right to navigate the Mississippi River—went mainly unheeded during the 1780s.
North Carolina’s insensitivity led frustrated East Tennesseans in 1784 to form the breakaway State of Franklin.

John Sevier was named governor, and the fledgling state began operating as an independent, though unrecognized, government. At the same time, leaders of
the Cumberland settlements made overtures for an alliance with Spain, which controlled the lower Mississippi River and was held responsible for inciting the
Indian raids. In drawing up the Watauga and Cumberland Compacts, early Tennesseans had already exercised some of the rights of self-government and
were prepared to take political matters into their own hands.

Such stirrings of independence caught the attention of North Carolina, which quietly began to reassert control over its western counties. These policies and
internal divisions among East Tennesseans doomed the short-lived State of Franklin, which passed out of existence in 1788.

Southwest Territory

When North Carolina finally ratified the Constitution of the United States in 1789, it also ceded its western lands, the Tennessee country, to the Federal
government. North Carolina had used these lands as a means of rewarding its Revolutionary soldiers, and in the Cession Act of 1789, it reserved the right to
satisfy further land claims in Tennessee.

Congress designated the area as the "Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio", more commonly known as the Southwest Territory. The territory
was divided into three districts—two for East Tennessee and one for the Mero District on the Cumberland—each with its own courts, militia and officeholders.

President George Washington appointed William Blount as territorial governor. He was a prominent North Carolina politician with extensive holdings in western
lands.

Admission to the Union

In 1795, a territorial census revealed a sufficient population for statehood, and a referendum showed a three-to-one majority in favor of joining the Union.
Governor Blount called for a constitutional convention to meet in Knoxville, where delegates from all the counties drew up a model state constitution and
democratic bill of rights.

The voters chose Sevier as governor, and the newly elected legislature voted for Blount and William Cocke as Senators, and Andrew Jackson as
Representative.

Tennessee leaders thereby converted the territory into a new state, with organized government and constitution, before applying to Congress for admission.
Since the Southwest Territory was the first Federal territory to present itself for admission to the Union, there was some uncertainty about how to proceed, and
Congress was divided on the issue.

Nonetheless, in a close vote on June 1, 1796, Congress approved the admission of Tennessee as the sixteenth state of the Union. Its borders were drawn by
extending the northern and southern borders of North Carolina, with a few deviations, to the Mississippi River, Tennessee's western boundary.
Tennessee was admitted to the Union in 1796 as the 16th state. The state boundaries, according to the Constitution of the State of
Tennessee, Article I, Section 31, stated that the beginning point for identifying the boundary was the extreme height of the Stone
Mountain, at the place where the line of Virginia intersects it, and basically ran the extreme heights of mountain chains through the
Appalachian Mountains separating North Carolina from Tennessee past the Indian towns of Cowee and Old Chota, thence along the
main ridge of the said mountain (Unicoi Mountain) to the southern boundary of the state; all the territory, lands and waters lying west of
said line are included in the boundaries and limits of the newly formed state of Tennessee. Part of the provision also stated that the
limits and jurisdiction of the state would include future land acquisition, referencing possible land trade with other states, or the
acquisition of territory from west of the Mississippi River.

The word Tennessee comes from the Cherokee town Tanasi, which along with its neighbor town Chota was one of the most important
Cherokee towns and often referred to as the capital city of the Overhill Cherokee. The meaning of the word "tanasi" is lost (Mooney,
1900). Some believe that Tanasi may mean "River with a big bend," referring to the Cumberland, or that the word Tanasi may have
meant "gathering place", as a reference to government or worship for the Native American tribes pre-existent to the pioneer era.

During the administration of U.S. President Martin Van Buren, nearly 17,000 Cherokees were uprooted from their homes between
1838 and 1839 and were forced by the U.S. military to march from "emigration depots" in Eastern Tennessee (such as Fort Cass)
toward the more distant Indian Territory west of Arkansas, and during this relocation an estimated 4,000 Cherokees died along the way
west. In the Cherokee language, the event is called Nunna daul Isunyi—"the Trail Where We Cried." The Cherokees were not the only
Native Americans forced to emigrate as a result of the Indian Removal efforts of the United States, and so the phrase "Trail of Tears" is
sometimes used to refer to similar events endured by other Native American peoples, especially among the "Five Civilized Tribes." The
phrase originated as a description of the earlier emigration of the Choctaw nation.
1715         The last Shawnee had been driven out by Chickasaw and Cherokee attacks.

1770s         Four different communities had been established in northeastern Tennessee – on the Watauga River, the North Holston, the
Nolichucky, and in Carter’s Valley.

1779/80         During the winter and spring three hundred pioneers – black and white – made the difficult trek to the French Lick, as the
future site of Nashville was then known.

1780         The battle at Kings Mountain was a key American victory during the Revolutionary War. The Tennessee militia played an
important part in this victory.

1784         The State of Franklin was formed in part of East Tennessee. This short-lived State of Franklin passed out of existence in 1788.

1789         North Carolina ceded its western land, the Tennessee county, to the Federal Government. Congress now designated the area
as the Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio.

1796         On June 1, 1796, Congress approved the admission of Tennessee as the sixteenth state of the Union.

1815         On January 8th, Andrew Jackson and his troops from Tennessee defeated the British army at the Battle of New Orleans.

1818         The Chickasaw Treaty of 1818 extended Tennessee's western boundary to the Mississippi River, and opened up a rich, new
agricultural area for settlement.

1826         The capitol moved to its permanent site in Nashville.

1828         Andrew Jackson was elected president of the United States by landslide majorities in 1828 and 1832

1838         The U.S. Army was dispatched to evict the Cherokee and send them on a woeful trek to Indian Territory - the "Trail of Tears.

1844         James K Polk of Maury County was elected president.
There is now even a Cheatham County,
Tennessee which was established in 1856

A Brief History of Cheatham Country...

Cheatham County began at the end of the 1800’
s. The county was formally established in 1856
by dividing portions of Davidson, Dickson,
Robertson, and Montgomery counties. The
county seat was named Ashland City and was
established with 50 acres being procured from
Mr. Lenox for a sum of $713.00.  Ashland City
now consists of 24 square miles.
Cades Cove, Tennessee as close to an
approximation of her life in the 1820's.
With so many of the North Carolinians fighting in the Revolution and
being granted land in Tennessee, look to the North Carolina and
Virginia Genealogical Exchange on Cheatham's.

ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Treasury Secretary in the first United States Administration under President George Washington, said in
1791 that manufacturing should be encouraged as a way to make use of “idle women and children” and thus improve the
national economy.

It was a remarkable statement that brought a largely uncritical response in the strongly male chauvinist society of late 18th
century America and the world at large.

Many women were prominently involved in the American Revolution, but it was very much a man’s world in those days on crucial
matters of politics and decision-making, and in the various facets of civic life.

Thomas Jefferson, a leading Revolutionary politician, did, however, radically propose in the draft Virginia Declaration of Rights
that in “descents” or inheritances “females should have equal rights with males.” But in the real decision-making it was the men
who were always in the forefront.

All of the 56 signatures of the American Declaration of Independence of July 4, 1776 were of men and such was the accepted
tradition in those days that it would have been unthinkable for women to be called to add their names to such a document, or
indeed hold office in the Philadelphia legislature.

The reference in the Declaration which asserted: ”We hold these truths to be self-evident, that men are created equal,” was a
cause of much conflict in the campaigns for women’s rights in the United States and frequently alternative versions of the
document were published.

The Senaca Falls Convention of 1848 stated: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men and women are created equal.”

Women did play an important role in many facets of the Revolutionary struggle.

They organised Revolutionary War boycotts of English goods and they made the wearing of home-spun cloth a patriotic duty and
coffee was drunk rather than tea in the homes of the American patriotic classes.

Patriot pamphlets had female editors and a number of women were called into military action when the emergency demanded,
some in very heroic circumstances when their husbands were killed or wounded or when enemy forces (native American tribes,
the British or the French!) were in the ascendancy in a city or town.

On the frontier, women acted as scouts and spies for the patriot army and, operating from the cover of the indigenous
communities, they were a real thorn in the side of British colonialist forces.

When the new American nation emerged, women were given the vote in only one state: New Jersey. But even this right was
rescinded in 1807. Over a century was to elapse before women would have a more recognisable and sustainable place in
American society.
Women's work on the Appalachian frontiers was neither housebound nor homogeneous across all groups of females. Indeed, these women engaged in both
agricultural and nonagricultural labor- inside and outside the confines of home and household. Moreover, the nature of their work was differentiated by race,
ethnicity, and class- the most menial and socially stigmatized tasks being allocated to impoverished whites, to recent poor immigrants, and to women of color. In
the late 1700s and early 1800s, it was common for females in at least half the farm households of New England and Pennsylvania to work in the fields. Despite
that norm, European, wealthy, and middle-class travelers criticized the farm work they observed being done by Appalachian women. On the one hand, their
prejudices reflected colonial antagonism toward the poor. Writing as a contemporary of such bigoted observers, Matthew Carey commented that middle-class
and elite Americans erroneously believed that::

Every person able and willing to work may procure employment; that all those who are thus employed, may earn a decent and comfortable support; and that if not
the whole, at least the chief part of the distresses of the poor, arises from idleness, dissipation, and worthlessness.

On the other hand, class-biased commentators simultaneously emasculated the males and stigmatized the females as "unladylike." Poor landless husbands
were viewed as "lacking the civility and male identity provided by property" while the cultural ideal of elites was "the domestication of white women's work," not
manual labor outside their homes. Consequently, "women's primary responsibility for agriculture merely confirmed the abdication by men of their proper role."
(14)

White Women's Agricultural Labor

By the late eighteenth century, the class boundaries between "ladies" and working women were already entrenched in American society. Elites and middle-class
journalists blamed poverty upon the unwillingness of the victims to work in order to shift public attention away from the concentration of land and wealth into the
hands of the richest decile of households. From the researcher's vantage point, the value of the class-biased reactions of such travelers is that their prejudice
causes them to record women's work that they would otherwise never have mentioned in their journals. What work, then, did white settler women do on farms?
The frequent biased comments of visitors and travelers provide powerful clues that white Appalachian women worked in the fields and at a variety of outdoor
tasks. Consider these early commentaries about women's farm work in western North Carolina. One European visitor observed that "the ordinary women take
care of Cows, Hogs, and other small Cattle, make Butter and Cheese, spin Cotton and Flax, help to sow and reap corn. . . gather Fruit, and look after the House."
A second European was shocked that the wives of poor and middling farmers were "ready to assist their husbands in any Servile Work, as planting when the
Season of the Year requires expedition." When he saw so many white women and their children working in the fields in upper east Tennessee and in western
North Carolina, another traveling elite commented that these settler females had "become schquaws, very pretty ones, but schquaws notwithstanding." In other
words, they were taking responsibility for what he considered to be men's agricultural tasks, just as did Cherokee women. Moreover, many of these settler
females lived "uncomen poor" in small log huts similar to the dwellings of indigenous Appalachians. In most frontier Appalachian households, "the women hoed
the corn, cooked the dinner, or plied the loom, or even. . . took up the ax and cut wood with which to cook the dinner." Even in some middling, nonslaveholding
households, women and girls assisted in the fields. Every household, whether poor or wealthy, had "a 'truck patch,' the cultivation of which fell within the women's
province." It was not ethnicity which determined whether a woman would engage in field labor, for poor and middling women from all emigrant and racial groups
engaged in such work. In western Virginia and western North Carolina, for example, German women:

joined the men in the labor of the meadow and grain fields. . . . Many females were most expert mowers and reapers. . . . It was no uncommon thing to see the
female part of the family at the hoe or plow.

In addition to their housebound duty as "a Spinner" of slave clothing, wives of overseers or farm managers were expected to be a "dairy Woman" to produce the
outputs of milk, butter, and cheese for marketing and consumption, and a manager of "poultry yards." (15)

Helped only by their children, poor female heads of household did every type of farm work. For instance, Anne Dennis immigrated at the age of thirteen to the
Appalachian frontier of Virginia. She married at age 23, but she was a widow in less than a decade. By the 1790s, she had moved to Alleghany County with her
children, acquired a small farm, and built a cabin. While giving us clues about the kind of work she did every day, one nineteenth-century historian described her
in disdainful romantic rhetoric as "very masculine in her appearance, and seldom wore a gown, but usually had on a petticoat with a man's coat over it, with a rifle
over her shoulder and a tomahawk and butcher knife in her belt." In frontier tax lists, the most significant assets reported for women were livestock. Among those
female heads of household who were impoverished or working class, their accumulated wealth lay in cattle, hogs, and a few horses. Bickley described the
frontier exports of hogs and cattle from southwestern Virginia to northeastern Virginia and to Baltimore and the movement of horse herds to the Lower South. To
produce those herds, "much of the livestock [wa]s bought on credit, and paid for upon the return of the drovers" from annual drives. In Tazewell County alone, "the
merchants ha[d] claims upon the people of the country, for upward of one hundred and forty thousand dollars" every year. Judging from county tax lists, some
frontier female heads must have participated in such credit systems. (16)

Women who owned farms averaged less than fifty acres, but they invested heavily in livestock production. Small farm owners like Hanah Daily, Sarah Slater,
Elizabeth Maxey, Sarah French, and Elizabeth Oney averaged six horses and eighteen cattle in a county in which male farm owners averaged only 2.3 horses and
6.7 cattle. Without adult males to help with field work, these poor female heads were hoping to earn much of their household cash from selling cattle and horses,
and they would have had to risk indebtedness to produce surplus livestock, a decision that would have jeopardized their land ownership. After the annual
livestock drives, one merchant ran this notice in a frontier newspaper:

Notice is hereby given. . . to all persons indebted to the subscriber, by bond, note, or book account to settle them within 30 days from the date hereof, or they will
be put into the hands of the proper officers for collection.

Failure to repay debts was prosecuted like a crime, and sheriffs earned commissions for collecting unpaid liens. When debts went unpaid to merchants or local
banks, land speculators often bought up their liens and seized lands. One frontier newspaper provides the history of such financial disaster. In April, 1792, a
Knoxville land speculator ran a public notice stating "Notice is hereby given. . . that I have in my possession certain obligations binding the first settlers of the
Reedy Creek tract. . . to yield quiet and peaceable possession of their places and 3000 acres of land." A month later he began to advertise those lands for sale.
When the owners failed to vacate, he ran a third notice in September announcing that the previous residents would now have to become his tenants or suffer
legal consequences. "As to the original settlers claims," he alerted the public, "those who wish to know what became of them may inform themselves by referring
to the [deed] entry books." (17)

While I could not locate the kinds of detailed sources for the late eighteenth century and early 1800s that are available for subsequent decades, it is clear that
frontier women were engaged in the same kinds of agricultural tasks that females did in the later antebellum period, including field work and outdoor farm tasks,
production of poultry and milk cows, livestock tending, and meat processing. One of the forms of women's work which is documented in the early census
manuscripts is their production of tree sugar. In southeast Tennessee in the late 1790s, the Indian agent saw Cherokee women at a small camp collecting
maple tree sap to produce sugar in their traditional fashion. It is likely that white settler women acquired their techniques from neighboring indigenous women.
Like their Cherokee counterparts, poor settler white Appalachian women conserved trees, established work camps, and produced the syrup and tree sugar with
little or no help from adult males. There was nothing culturally peculiar about this process because the 1810 census compiler stressed that imported sugar was
very expensive, and he recommended an even more widespread "preservation and general propagation of the sugar maple-tree." Nearly 10 million pounds of
maple sugar were produced by U.S. households that year, and "it [wa]s not rare for careful and attentive families to make 3 or 400 pounds weight in a season."
Even though census enumerators were inconsistent in reporting production of women's maple sugar, the output is reported for 26 Appalachian counties of
southwest Virginia, West Virginia, east Kentucky, and east Tennessee. While there were only about 11 pounds of maple-sugar produced to every adult female in
the country, Appalachian women averaged per female115.4 pounds valued at $17.27. Women's tree sugar production was also documented by travelers during
this era. In 1793, Toulmin observed that all east Kentucky households "ma[d]e sugar from the natural sugar tree." In southwest Virginia, Louis-Philippe
consumed home-made tree sugar at local inns, observing that "everyone sees to [her] own supply, and "this sugar is excellent." Further south in east
Tennessee, he also consumed tree sugar at inns, in homes, and in a Cherokee village. He complimented the work of local women by commenting that "the
sugar is always black muscovado, or unrefined maple sugar, which I like better." (18)

White Women's Nonagricultural Labor

Even though a majority of Appalachian households of this era earned their livelihoods in agriculture, women engaged in the same forms of nonagricultural labor
that they pursued in the later antebellum period. The most visible businesswoman was the inn or hotel operator. Sarah Flynn advertized in eastern Maryland
newspapers that she offered "genteel Entertainment and good usage" at her western Maryland tavern near Sassafras Ferry. An 84-year-old "backwoods hostess"
in northern South Carolina waited on travelers, prepared meals, and managed horses in the stable. In southwest Virginia, a well-to-do traveler was shocked by
"Mrs. Davis who ke[pt] Tavern Down the mountain" because he thought her to be too forward with personal information to be a "decent lady." He commented
about her in his journal:

Mrs Davis, who I must take the liberty to say may be Justly call[ed] Capn Molly of Cumberland Mountain, for she fully commands this passage to the New World.
She soon took the freedom to tell me she was a Come by chance[. H]er mother she knew little of and her Father less.

"Mrs. Lindsay's Hotel" in Knoxville was one of only four such facilities in that town. Mrs. Campbell ran an advertisement to alert east Tennessee travelers "that the
House of Entertainment formerly at THE SIGN OF THE BUCK kept by her late husband w[ould] be continued by her." One British traveler thought the
female-operated "inns in the back country" of western Virginia were "preferable to the inns in many of the most inhabited parts of New England." (19)

As they would do in the later antebellum period, many white Appalachian women traded and sold agricultural produce and craft items. Included in store
advertisements for commodities accepted in trade were female-produced flax, wool, linen, linsey, butter, lard, feathers, tallow, beeswax, honey, and maple sugar.
It was not unusual for stores to advertise that "for the article of gensang the highest price will be given" or that "the highest price will be allowed for good linsey,
700 linen." Women's "country linen or linsey" was accepted in exchange for "bar iron and castings" and salt. Another store promised "a generous price" for
"country manufactured sugar." Women also bartered or sold feathers, beeswax, tallow, butter, and wool. Stephen Duncan and Company sold men's clothing and
fabrics which had been produced by local women through a putting-out system. In western Maryland, the local militias paid local females for "Sundries, hunting
shirts, Caps, blankets, rugs, Waggon Cloths, Medicines, and boarding" for their members. Women also traded or sold strawberries, watermelons, garden
vegetables, apples and peaches. A Scottish "lady of quality" condescendingly described one western North Carolina middle-class woman as:

a pattern of industry. She has (it seems) a garden, from which she supplies the town with what vegetables they use, also with melons and other fruits. She even
descends to make minced pies, cheesecakes, tarts and little biskits, which she sends down to the town once or twice a day, besides her eggs, poultry and
butter, and she is the only one who continues to have Milk. (20)

Women worked for wages at most of the same types of nonagricultural occupations that they would pursue in the later antebellum period. Because of the
presence of so many slaves on the Appalachian frontier, few white women worked as domestic servants. In east Kentucky, Toulmin claimed that:

white servants [we]re difficult to be had, and indifferent when procured, and expect at all times to be at the same table with their masters. . . . The few white female
servants that are hired are the daughters of the poorer class of people. They have 3s.6d. a week if they can spin.

By 1820, however, women and children represented nearly 12 per cent of the region's manufacturing labor force (see Table 53), and they were already highly
visible in those occupations in which they would be concentrated in the later antebellum period (see Table 34). In western Maryland, one of every four industrial
laborers was a female or a child while nearly one-third of western North Carolina's manufacturing workers were females and children. One of every five of the
industrial laborers in the Appalachian counties of Virginia was either a woman or a child, as was one of every ten of these workers in east Kentucky. (21)

Females were concentrated in certain types of industries, such as commercial textiles manufactories. In east Kentucky, western Maryland, east Tennessee,
West Virginia, and the Appalachian counties of Virginia and South Carolina, women and girls accounted for one-third to three-quarters of the waged laborers
employed in cloth mills. Females comprised one-third of the laborers at paper mills in western Maryland while three-fifths of the workers at east Tennessee
paper mills were females. In West Virginia, five of every six flour mill workers was a woman. Females were also employed in heavy manual labor at extractive
industries. More than half the salt manufacturing laborers in Lewis County, Kentucky were women and girls. One of every ten laborers at iron manufactories in
east Tennessee was a female while women and children represented 41 percent of the labor force at the iron enterprises in Shenandoah County, Virginia. One
of every four of the saltpeter miners in Pendleton County, West Virginia, was a woman. In Kanawha County, West Virginia, there were nearly as many females as
men engaged in iron production. As part of the salt industry in that county, women were also employed to make flatboats and barrels. (22)

However, the most significant nonagricultural labor in which white women engaged was household textiles manufacturing. According to Innes, the
post-Revolutionary period:

was an era of burgeoning household production. The age of homespun came at the end of the colonial period. . . . The vast majority of textiles used by colonists
during the seventeenth century were imported. . . . [I]t was not until the 1680s that sheep, flax, and weaving began to become common. Spinning wheels, rare in
the seventeenth century. . . by the mid-eighteenth century were becoming omnipresent. . . . It was now more economical for American households to manufacture
coarse cloth.

In 1810, only 7.4 percent of U.S. cloth was produced by factory machinery. Because the country was heavily dependent upon household textiles production, the
census analysts acknowledged the economic value of this type of women's work and recommended that:

it would promptly repay the expense and reward the pains, if measures were taken, under known public authority, to ascertain and exhibit, by plain descriptions,
or specifications and engravings, the best of implements. . . to render household manufactures more easy, expeditious, convenient, economical, and profitable.

Since the census distinguished household looms and the cloth "made in families" from factory textiles and equipment, it is clear that women were weaving 13.4
yards in their homes to every yard of cotton or wool cloth produced by factory equipment. There were cloth mills in only four Appalachian counties, so households
wove nearly 7.5 million yards of cloth valued at more than $3.6 million. More than half the white adult females owned looms, and they averaged nearly 207 yards
of cloth annually, valued at more than $100 (see Table 54). Per capita, Southern Appalachian weavers created 2.6 times more yards of cloth than other U.S.
females. Unfortunately, we cannot use those census reports to determine what proportion of that textiles production was actually done by slaves within elite or
middle-class households. (23)

The United States had only 1,776 carding machines and 1,682 fulling mills to process cotton, flax, or and wool into thread or yarn. Fewer than 2 million pounds of
cotton and wool were spun in mills while households spun more than 26 million pounds. Before women could weave cloth, they must complete the tedious
preparation of raw materials into thread or yarn. Despite the significance of this stage of textiles manufacture, census enumerators did not collect reliable counts
of women's tools or their spinning output. In North Carolina, the only state which made a reliable count, two of every five of its adult white females owned spinning
wheels. In the Appalachian counties of North Carolina, women's spinning was even more extensive. The census enumerated 1.7 wheels for every adult white
western North Carolina female, indicating that a majority of households had both the small wheel for flax and the large wheel for wool and cotton. In addition,
more than half the households reported flax brakes, indicating a heavy output of linen and linsey-woolsey. (24)

Other primary sources also describe the household textiles production of women in every section of Southern Appalachia. Recognizing the significance of these
household manufactures, the Virginia general Assembly passed an early law mandating that county courts "provide and sett up a loome and weaver, in each of
the respective counties." Any county failing to do so was fined 2,000 pounds of tobacco. In frontier southwest Virginia, settler women mixed a wild nettle with
buffalo hair to produce yarn-like threads that were "woven into substantial cloth, in which the men and women were clothed." They also wove cotton into a strong
cloth for household use and for marketing in Williamsburg. In West Virginia, "almost every house contained a loom, and almost every woman was a weaver." In
one household, "weaving proved serviceable to the family" because a woven belt could be paid to a farm laborer for a day's work." Unlike the later antebellum
period, frontier middle-class women spun and wove. In one Pocohontas County, West Virginia, household, the wife had a separate "Loom-house" where hired
whites and slaves manufactured textiles. In general, according to one traveler, the women of this area made their households "self-sustaining" through their
spinning and weaving. "The big wheel and the little wheel [we]re birring in every hut," he claimed, "and throwing off woolen and linen yard to be worked up." In
Berkeley County, West Virginia, Sarah Nourse did not spin or weave, for these duties were assigned to slaves in her affluent household. Yet she spent 65 to 77
days a year sewing, knitting, and mending clothes. One eighteenth century traveler claimed that western North Carolina settler girls were "bred to the Needle and
Spinning." William Byrd praised southwest Virginia and western North Carolina women who "cloathe the Whole Family" because poor and middle-class females
"all Spin, weave and knit." In Appalachian South Carolina, white settlers and black slaves:

in the various settlements would meet alternately at each other's house to pick the seed out of the cotton and prepare it for the wheel. . . . After the evening's
labors were finished, they would join in a regular old-fashioned Virginia reel, and keep time with flying feet to. . . a gourd banjo [played by a slave].

One traveler reported soon after the Revolutionary War that white women in the western Carolinas "now manufacture most of their linens (such as cost in
England from 12 to 18 d. a yard), Linsey-Woolsey, and even coarse cloths." Some frontier farmers experimented with silk production. A Hawkins County,
Tennessee farmer advertized that "from a small flock he ha[d] raised upwards of 5 millions of these [silk] worms, which ha[d] produced upwards of 20 pounds of
excellent raw silk." To tend the worms, he employed young girls. (25)

In their textiles manufacturing, Appalachian women were not unlike other U.S. women of this era. As one journalist observed, "the high and low, the rich and poor,
were alike attired in home-spun, made by the industrious and ingenious hand of the busy housewife." However, there is much evidence of marketing, trading,
and income earning from textiles production. In east Kentucky, "the weaver [wa]s paid either in toll from the cloth or in corn." When a woman did weaving "for a
certain proportion of the manufactured article," they received "two yards out of three fore their trouble." In western North Carolina, most settler women did their
own spinning, but some women "took in weaving from neighbors." Not all the fabric was coarse, for some of it was intended for trading or selling. According to
Toulmin, east Kentucky "manufactures of WOOL, and mixtures thereof with cotton and flax. . . [we]re a much superior quality to those imported from Europe.
Besides the coarse woolen cloths they manufacture linsey-woolsey, Negro cloth, coverlets, counterpanes, and stockings." Anna Baker ran a small commercial
spinning and weaving business in her Surry County, North Carolina home. Sarah Graham recalled the importance of her mother's cloth production to their east
Kentucky household. She wove surplus cloth from which she traded "seven yards of cotton for one sow shoat" and "with nine yards she got some salt." (26)

Frontier newspapers also attest to the economic significance of women's cloth. To attract female customers, frontier stores advertized that they would accept in
trade "good linen" and other homespun fabrics. Advertisements frequently offered "a generous price for country manufactured flax," the source of linsey that was
so widely used all over frontier Appalachia. In the 1790s, east Tennessee merchants valued "Good flax linen ten hundred" at "three shillings and six pence per
yard." In 1791, a Knoxville store advertized the sale of "Well chosen goods from the markets of Philadelphia and Boston." In exchange, "the highest price w[ould]
be allowed for good linsey, seven hundred linen." Another store accepted "good linen" in trade for all kinds of imported goods. Like stores in Knoxville,
Jonesboro, and Greeneville, Tennessee, a Rogersville merchant advertized "superfine, second, and coarse" fabrics, "fine handkerchiefs, shawls, scarlet cloaks,
Irish linen" which he had accepted in trades with local women. Stephen Duncan and Company accepted "cash, furs, skins, corn, pork, or beef" in exchange for
locally-produced fabrics and clothing. A farmer near Abingdon offered "stud services" to the public, for which he would accept payment in cash or "and good
trade," including cloth. The Washington County, Virginia Salt Works listed three exchange rates, the lowest price offered to those trading good quality local cloth.
The Knoxville Gazette was induced by the "scarcity of cash" on the frontier to accept subscription payments in the form of linen and linsey. (27)

Though they represented less than 8 percent of U.S. population, adult Southern Appalachian females produced nearly one-third of the country's cloth in 1810. Not
all of the fabric traded by women stayed in their resident counties, as is evidenced by distant businesses that advertized in Appalachian newspapers. One
Richmond commission merchant was "set up more particularly with a view of doing a Western Country business." In southwest Virginia and east Tennessee
newspapers, he offered to trade all sorts of European imports for "western produce," most especially good quality cotton, linen, and woolen cloth. For export to
West Indies plantations, an eastern North Carolina commission merchant sought to purchase cloth produced in western North Carolina. Boothe and Dews, an
auction and commission house at Knoxville, offered to market on consignment "every description of dry goods," including "cotton yarn" and fabrics that could be
exported to the Lower South. (28)

We get an even clearer picture of the economic significance of these forms of women's work if we compare their outputs with the value of manufactured
commodities. Per capita, there were $31.42 worth of manufactured products in the entire country, but Southern Appalachian factories were generating
commodities at only about one-fourth of the national level. In the nation as a whole, the value of manufactured commodities was nearly six times the value of
women's outputs. In Southern Appalachia, however, women's commodities were worth nearly 60 percent of the value of manufactured products. For every dollar's
worth of women's outputs in the United States, factories generated ten dollars worth of commodities. In contrast, Southern Appalachian women generated one
dollar's worth of home manufactures, ginseng and herbs, poultry, dairy, garden, and orchard products for every $1.70 in manufactured products.
SETTLER WOMEN'S WORK ON THE APPALACHIAN FRONTIERS,
1790-1839

by Wilma A. Dunaway
This is a copyrighted document from the electronic archive for Wilma A. Dunaway, Southern Laboring
Women: The Gendered Boundaries of Race, Ethnicity, and Class in Antebellum Appalachia, 1700-1860,
Virginia Tech Library.